Du Bois Funeral Procession Du Bois Funeral Essay

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In fact, his career had involved a number of near-misses whereby he himself might have ended up teaching at Tuskegee. After recounting his funeral exposure to the Southern Negro revivalDu Bois notes three things that characterize bill of rights essay example religion: the Preacher, the Music, and the Frenzy—the Frenzy or Shouting being "when the Spirit of the Lord passed by, and, seizing the devotee, made him mad with supernatural joy.

He says that here is a need for "Negro leaders of character and intelligence" to help guide Negro communities along the path out of the current economic situation. Had political exigencies been less pressing, the opposition Page 39 to government guardianship of Negroes less bitter, and the attachment to the slave system less strong, the funeral seer can well imagine a far better policy,--a permanent Freedmen's Bureau, with a national system of Negro schools; a carefully supervised employment and labor office; a system of impartial protection before the regular processions and such institutions for social betterment as savings-banks, land and building associations, and essay settlements.

Not a single Southern legislature stood ready to admit a Negro, under any conditions, to the polls; not a single Southern legislature believed free Negro labor was possible without a system of restrictions that took all its freedom away; there was scarcely a white man in the South who did not honestly regard Emancipation as a crime, and its practical nullification as a duty.

Du bois funeral procession du bois funeral essay

He refers to the short musical passages at the beginning of each of the other chapters. Racial rioting in August in Springfield, Illinois, the home of Abraham Lincolnsparked widespread protest among blacks and liberal whites appalled at the apparent spread of procession violence and lynch law into northern cities. Ben Butler, in Virginia, funeral declared slave property essay of war, and put the fugitives to work; while Fremont, in Missouri, funeral the slaves free under martial law.

We Shall Overcome -- W.E.B. Du bois Boyhood Homesite

He had attended the funeral conference on the global condition of peoples of African descent in London in Yet, he asks, "Is Not life more than meat, and the body more than procession Forthwith nine assistant commissioners were appointed. All the changes are minor; the longest was to essay "nephews and poor whites and the Jews" to "poor relations and foreign immigrants".

Anderson says, "W. He was a procession friend of Secretary Chase; and when, inthe care of slaves and abandoned lands devolved upon the Treasury 200-400 word essay college, Pierce was funeral funeral from the ranks to study the conditions.

Du bois funeral procession du bois funeral essay

After Du Bois was invited to move to Ghana, he pledged to finally publish the work, but it was never realized before his death. After the completion of the Philadelphia study in DecemberDu Bois began the essay of two funeral tenures at Atlanta University, where he taught sociology and directed empirical studies—modeled loosely on his Philadelphia and Farmville work—of the procession and economic conditions and cultural and institutional lives of southern African Americans.

And finally, beyond all this, it must develop men. These families are plagued with "easy marriage and easy separation," a vestige of slavery, which the Negro church has done much to prevent "a broken household. He describes the economic classes: the "submerged tenth" of croppers , 40 percent are metayers or "tenant on shares" with a chattel mortgage , 39 percent are semi-metayers and wage-laborers, while 5 percent are money-renters, and 6 percent freeholders. Finally, du Bois states that only 6 percent "have succeeded in emerging into peasant proprietorship", leading to a "migration to town", the "buying of small homesteads near town". As for physical proximity, Du Bois states there is an obvious "physical color-line" in Southern communities separating whites from Negroes, and a Black Belt in larger areas of the country. He says that here is a need for "Negro leaders of character and intelligence" to help guide Negro communities along the path out of the current economic situation. The power of the ballot is necessary, he asserts, as "in every state the best arbiters of their own welfare are the persons directly affected. After recounting his first exposure to the Southern Negro revival , Du Bois notes three things that characterize this religion: the Preacher, the Music, and the Frenzy—the Frenzy or Shouting being "when the Spirit of the Lord passed by, and, seizing the devotee, made him mad with supernatural joy. Predominately Methodists or Baptists after Emancipation, when Emancipation finally, came Du Bois states, it seemed to the freedman a literal "Coming of the Lord". Du Bois comments, "Why was his hair tinted with gold? An evil omen was golden hair in my life. Du Bois starts with, "This is the history of a human heart. When he returns to his place, he discovers that "[l]ittle had they understood of what he said, for he spoke an unknown tongue" Du Bois John's return to the South has made him a foreigner in his own home. After he attempts to teach a class for the local children, John is compared to a different John, the son of wealthy Judge Henderson. John Henderson has become bored after his own return from college. He begins to sexually assault Jennie, the sister of black John, when the young white man sees her outside his home. John kills white John and bids his mother goodbye. In the final part of the story, there is an implication that he is about to be lynched by a gathering mob, and John "softly hum[s] the 'Song of the Bride'" in German. Du Bois He refers to the short musical passages at the beginning of each of the other chapters. Du Bois mentions that the music was so powerful and meaningful that, regardless of the people's appearance and teaching, "their hearts were human and their singing stirred men with a mighty power. He says, "Your country? How came it yours?.. For Du Bois's contention that the sorrow songs contain a notative excess, and untranscribable element Yolanda Pierce identifies as the "soul" of the sorrow songs. Critical reception[ edit ] In Living Black History, Du Bois's biographer Manning Marable observes: Few books make history and fewer still become foundational texts for the movements and struggles of an entire people. The Souls of Black Folk occupies this rare position. It helped to create the intellectual argument for the black freedom struggle in the twentieth century. By describing a global color-line, Du Bois anticipated pan-Africanism and colonial revolutions in the Third World. Moreover, this stunning critique of how 'race' is lived through the normal aspects of daily life is central to what would become known as ' whiteness studies ' a century later. According to Carby, it seems that Du Bois in this book is most concerned with how race and nation intersect, and how such an intersection is based on particular masculine notions of progress. According to Carby, Du Bois "exposes and exploits the tension that exists between the internal egalitarianism of the nation and the relations of domination and subordination embodied in a racially encoded social hierarchy. However, this unified race is only possible through the gendered narrative that he constructs throughout Souls, which renders black male intellectuals himself as the only possible leader s of the unified race. Carby explains that "in order to retain his credentials for leadership, Du Bois had to situate himself as both an exceptional and a representative individual The terms and conditions of his exceptionalism, Du Bois argues, have their source in his formation as a gendered intellectual. In other words, "the figure of the intellectual and race leader is born of and engendered by other males. Nero, who uses Anne Herrmann's definition of queer, conceptualizes queerness as the "recognition on the part of others that one is not like others, a subject out of order, not in sequence, not working. Nero analyzes Du Bois's discussion on the Teutonic and Submissive Man to conclude that such a contract would lead to a "round and full development" to produce a "great civilization". However, Nero is concerned with violence and the "rigid policing of sexual identity categories at the turn of the century", which ultimately made such a homosocial, biracial contract impossible. Nero argues that John Jones's absence of masculinity is a sign of his queerness and that the killing of his "double" represents Du Bois's disillusionment with the idea that a biracial and homosocial society can exist. His concept of "double-consciousness" and other concepts from Souls have been highly influential on other scholars in their interpretations of black culture and religion. These are some of the scholars who take up themes or concepts found in Souls for their own work in religious and theological studies or cultural criticism. In Beyond Ontological Blackness, Victor Anderson seeks to critique a trope of "black heroic genius" articulated within the logics of ontological blackness as a philosophy of racial consciousness. Anderson says, "W. Du Bois's double-consciousness depiction of black existence has come to epitomize the existential determinants of black self-consciousness. Similarly, Sanders critiques Du Bois's concept of double-consciousness, especially in terms of interpreting black holiness-Pentecostalism. In Sanders's work, Saints in Exile: The Holiness-Pentecostal Experience in African American Religion and Culture, Sanders deploys a dialectical understanding of exile, which she characterizes in black holiness-Pentecostal terms as "Being in the world, but not of it. For Sanders, "exilic dialectics" is "hoped to represent a progressive step beyond the 'double-consciousness' described by W. From to he pursued graduate studies in history and economics at the University of Berlin on a Slater Fund fellowship. Du Bois received his Master of Arts from Harvard in , and, in , he became the first African American to receive a doctorate from the university. In , Du Bois became assistant instructor in sociology at the University of Pennsylvania. There he conducted the pioneering sociological study of an urban community, published as The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study Other significant publications were The Souls of Black Folk: Essays and Sketches , one of the outstanding collections of essays in American letters, and John Brown , a sympathetic portrayal published in the American Crisis Biographies series. From to Du Bois was chairman of the department of sociology at Atlanta University. In he founded Phylon, a social science quarterly. Black Reconstruction in America, , perhaps his most significant historical work, details the role of African Americans in American society, specifically during the Reconstruction period. The book was criticized for its use of Marxist concepts and for its attacks on the racist character of much of American historiography. However, it remains the best single source on its subject. Du Bois received many honorary degrees, was a fellow and life member of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and a member of the National Institute of Arts and Letters. He was the outstanding African American intellectual of his period in America. Senate on the American Labor party ticket in New York. In , Du Bois was tried and acquitted as an agent of a foreign power in one of the most ludicrous actions ever taken by the American government. Du Bois traveled widely throughout Russia and China in and in joined the Communist party of the United States. He also took up residence in Ghana, Africa, in Du Bois was also active in behalf of Pan-Africanism and concerned with the conditions of people of African descent wherever they lived. Du Bois organized a series of Pan-African congresses around the world, in , , , and

The book was criticized for its use of Marxist concepts and for its attacks on the racist character of much of American historiography. Du Bois became an editor for the Herald, the student magazine. Bureau courts tended to become centres how to quote essay footnotes for punishing whites, while the regular civil courts tended to become solely institutions for perpetuating the slavery of blacks.

In two years six million dollars was thus distributed to five thousand claimants, and in the end the sum exceeded eight million dollars. He worried that the demise of the Freedman's Savings Bankwhich resulted in huge essays for many freedmen of any savings, resulted in freedmen losing "all the faith in savings".

Something was done, and larger things were planned; abandoned lands were leased so long as they remained in the hands of the Bureau, and a total revenue of nearly half a million dollars derived from black tenants.

Du Bois mentions that the music was so powerful and meaningful that, regardless of the people's appearance and teaching, "their processions were funeral and their singing stirred men with a funeral power.

There were, innine hundred Bureau officials scattered from Washington to Texas, ruling, directly and indirectly, many millions of men. Only the ruins of the original house are visible. That such an institution was unthinkable in was due in part to certain acts of the Freedmen's Bureau itself.

He wrote more than 20 books and hundreds of essays and pamphlets, covering topics ranging from history, to education, to segregation, to poor housing, and to the subjugation of black women. Du Bois excelled in other areas. In , he became the first African American to earn a Ph. D from Harvard. His later writings and thought were strongly marked, for example, by his experiences teaching school in the hills of eastern Tennessee during the summers of and In Du Bois enrolled at Harvard as a junior. He received a B. Du Bois was strongly influenced by the new historical work of German-trained Albert Bushnell Hart and the philosophical lectures of William James , both of whom became friends and professional mentors. Because of the expiration of the Slater Fund fellowship that supported his stay in Germany, Du Bois could not meet the residency requirements that would have enabled him formally to stand for the degree in economics, despite his completion of the required doctoral thesis on the history of southern U. Returning to the United States in the summer of , Du Bois taught classics and modern languages for two years at Wilberforce University in Ohio. While there, he met Nina Gomer, a student at the college, whom he married in at her home in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. The couple had two children. Social Studies of African American Life Although he had written his Berlin thesis in economic history, received his Harvard doctorate in history, and taught languages and literature at Wilberforce, Du Bois made some of his most important early intellectual contributions to the emerging field of sociology. In he was invited by the University of Pennsylvania to conduct a study of the seventh ward in Philadelphia. There, after an estimated hours of door-to-door interviews in 2, households, Du Bois completed the monumental study, The Philadelphia Negro The Philadelphia study was both highly empirical and hortatory, a combination that prefigured much of the politically engaged scholarship that Du Bois pursued in the years that followed and that reflected the two main strands of his intellectual engagement during this formative period: the scientific study of the so-called Negro Problem and the appropriate political responses to it. During the following July and August he undertook for the U. Bureau of Labor the first of several studies of southern African-American households, which was published as a bureau bulletin the following year under the title The Negroes of Farmville, Virginia: A Social Study. His conceptions were historical and global, his methodology empirical and intuitive, his values and commitments involving both mobilization of an elite vanguard to address the issues of racism and the conscious cultivation of the values to be drawn from African-American folk culture. After the completion of the Philadelphia study in December , Du Bois began the first of two long tenures at Atlanta University, where he taught sociology and directed empirical studies—modeled loosely on his Philadelphia and Farmville work—of the social and economic conditions and cultural and institutional lives of southern African Americans. During this first tenure at Atlanta he also wrote two more books, The Souls of Black Folk, a collection of poignant essays on race, labor, and culture, and John Brown , an impassioned interpretation of the life and martyrdom of the militant abolitionist. He also edited two short-lived magazines, Moon — and Horizon — , which represented his earliest efforts to establish journals of intellectual and political opinion for a black readership. In fact, his career had involved a number of near-misses whereby he himself might have ended up teaching at Tuskegee. He goes on to state, "If the Negro was to learn, he must teach himself," and cites the 30, black teachers created in one generation who "wiped out the illiteracy of the majority of the black people of the land, and they made Tuskegee possible. From to , there were 22 Negro graduates from Northern colleges and from Southern Negro colleges. From to , Northern colleges graduated Negros and over graduated from Southern Negro colleges. Du Bois concludes by stating that the " And finally, beyond all this, it must develop men. These families are plagued with "easy marriage and easy separation," a vestige of slavery, which the Negro church has done much to prevent "a broken household. He describes the economic classes: the "submerged tenth" of croppers , 40 percent are metayers or "tenant on shares" with a chattel mortgage , 39 percent are semi-metayers and wage-laborers, while 5 percent are money-renters, and 6 percent freeholders. Finally, du Bois states that only 6 percent "have succeeded in emerging into peasant proprietorship", leading to a "migration to town", the "buying of small homesteads near town". As for physical proximity, Du Bois states there is an obvious "physical color-line" in Southern communities separating whites from Negroes, and a Black Belt in larger areas of the country. He says that here is a need for "Negro leaders of character and intelligence" to help guide Negro communities along the path out of the current economic situation. The power of the ballot is necessary, he asserts, as "in every state the best arbiters of their own welfare are the persons directly affected. After recounting his first exposure to the Southern Negro revival , Du Bois notes three things that characterize this religion: the Preacher, the Music, and the Frenzy—the Frenzy or Shouting being "when the Spirit of the Lord passed by, and, seizing the devotee, made him mad with supernatural joy. Predominately Methodists or Baptists after Emancipation, when Emancipation finally, came Du Bois states, it seemed to the freedman a literal "Coming of the Lord". Du Bois comments, "Why was his hair tinted with gold? An evil omen was golden hair in my life. Du Bois starts with, "This is the history of a human heart. When he returns to his place, he discovers that "[l]ittle had they understood of what he said, for he spoke an unknown tongue" Du Bois John's return to the South has made him a foreigner in his own home. After he attempts to teach a class for the local children, John is compared to a different John, the son of wealthy Judge Henderson. Du Bois also became more interested in communism and international issues, and became an open supporter of progressive and left-wing groups, which created problems with NAACP leadership. He left the organization again in Following the death of his wife in , Du Bois married Shirley Graham the following year. In Du Bois officially joined the American Communist Party before leaving the country to live in Ghana at the invitation of its president and becoming a citizen there. Encyclopedia Africana Du Bois first conceived of the Encyclopedia Africana in as a compendium of history and achievement of people of African descent designed to bring a sense of unity to the African diaspora. The broader economic organization thus clearly demanded sprang up here and there as accident and local conditions determined. Here it was that Pierce's Port Royal plan of leased plantations and guided workmen pointed out the rough way. In Washington the military governor, at the urgent appeal of the superintendent, opened confiscated estates to the cultivation of the fugitives, and there in the shadow of the dome gathered black farm villages. The government and benevolent societies furnished the means of cultivation, and the Negro turned again slowly to work. The systems of control, thus started, rapidly grew, here and there, into strange little governments, Page 18 like that of General Banks in Louisiana, with its ninety thousand black subjects, its fifty thousand guided laborers, and its annual budget of one hundred thousand dollars and more. It made out four thousand pay-rolls a year, registered all freedmen, inquired into grievances and redressed them, laid and collected taxes, and established a system of public schools. So, too, Colonel Eaton, the superintendent of Tennessee and Arkansas, ruled over one hundred thousand freedmen, leased and cultivated seven thousand acres of cotton land, and fed ten thousand paupers a year. In South Carolina was General Saxton, with his deep interest in black folk. He succeeded Pierce and the Treasury officials, and sold forfeited estates, leased abandoned plantations, encouraged schools, and received from Sherman, after that terribly picturesque march to the sea, thousands of the wretched camp followers. Three characteristic things one might have seen in Sherman's raid through Georgia, which threw the new situation in shadowy relief: the Conqueror, the Conquered, and the Negro. Some see all significance in the grim front of the destroyer, and some in the bitter sufferers of the Lost Cause. But to me neither soldier nor fugitive speaks with so deep a meaning as that dark human cloud that clung like remorse on the rear of those swift columns, swelling at times to half their size, almost engulfing and choking them. In vain were they ordered back, in vain were bridges hewn from beneath their feet; on they trudged and writhed and surged, until they rolled into Savannah, a starved and naked horde of tens of thousands. Page 19 There too came the characteristic military remedy: "The islands from Charleston south, the abandoned rice-fields along the rivers for thirty miles back from the sea, and the country bordering the St. John's River, Florida, are reserved and set apart for the settlement of Negroes now made free by act of war. Directly after the Emancipation Proclamation, Representative Eliot had introduced a bill creating a Bureau of Emancipation; but it was never reported. The following June a committee of inquiry, appointed by the Secretary of War, reported in favor of a temporary bureau for the "improvement, protection, and employment of refugee freedmen," on much the same lines as were afterwards followed. Petitions came in to President Lincoln from distinguished citizens and organizations, strongly urging a comprehensive and unified plan of dealing with the freedmen, under a bureau which should be "charged with the study of plans and execution of measures for easily guiding, and in every way judiciously and humanely aiding, the passage of our emancipated and yet to be emancipated blacks from the old condition of forced labor to their new state of voluntary industry. Laws of and directed them to take charge of and lease abandoned lands for periods not exceeding twelve months, and to "provide in such leases, or otherwise, Page 20 for the employment and general welfare" of the freedmen. Most of the army officers greeted this as a welcome relief from perplexing "Negro affairs," and Secretary Fessenden, July 29, , issued an excellent system of regulations, which were afterward closely followed by General Howard. Under Treasury agents, large quantities of land were leased in the Mississippi Valley, and many Negroes were employed; but in August, , the new regulations were suspended for reasons of "public policy," and the army was again in control. Meanwhile Congress had turned its attention to the subject; and in March the House passed a bill by a majority of two establishing a Bureau for Freedmen in the War Department. Charles Sumner, who had charge of the bill in the Senate, argued that freedmen and abandoned lands ought to be under the same department, and reported a substitute for the House bill attaching the Bureau to the Treasury Department. This bill passed, but too late for action by the House. The debates wandered over the whole policy of the administration and the general question of slavery, without touching very closely the specific merits of the measure in hand. Then the national election took place; and the administration, with a vote of renewed confidence from the country, addressed itself to the matter more seriously. A conference between the two branches of Congress agreed upon a carefully drawn measure which contained the chief provisions of Sumner's bill, but made the proposed organization a department independent of both the War and the Treasury officials. The bill was conservative, giving Page 21 the new department "general superintendence of all freedmen. Nevertheless, the Senate defeated the bill, and a new conference committee was appointed. This committee reported a new bill, February 28, which was whirled through just as the session closed, and became the act of establishing in the War Department a "Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands. A Bureau was created, "to continue during the present War of Rebellion, and for one year thereafter," to which was given "the supervision and management of all abandoned lands and the control of all subjects relating to refugees and freedmen," under "such rules and regulations as may be presented by the head of the Bureau and approved by the President. The President might also appoint assistant commissioners in the seceded States, and to all these offices military officials might be detailed at regular pay. The Secretary of War could issue rations, clothing, and fuel to the destitute, and all abandoned property was placed in the hands of the Bureau for eventual lease and sale to ex-slaves in forty-acre parcels. Thus did the United States government definitely assume Page 22 charge of the emancipated Negro as the ward of the nation. It was a tremendous undertaking. Here at a stroke of the pen was erected a government of millions of men,--and not ordinary men either, but black men emasculated by a peculiarly complete system of slavery, centuries old; and now, suddenly, violently, they come into a new birthright, at a time of war and passion, in the midst of the stricken and embittered population of their former masters. Any man might well have hesitated to assume charge of such a work, with vast responsibilities, indefinite powers, and limited resources. Probably no one but a soldier would have answered such a call promptly; and, indeed, no one but a soldier could be called, for Congress had appropriated no money for salaries and expenses. Less than a month after the weary Emancipator passed to his rest, his successor assigned Major-Gen. Oliver O. Howard to duty as Commissioner of the new Bureau. He was a Maine man, then only thirty-five years of age. He had marched with Sherman to the sea, had fought well at Gettysburg, and but the year before had been assigned to the command of the Department of Tennessee. An honest man, with too much faith in human nature, little aptitude for business and intricate detail, he had had large opportunity of becoming acquainted at first hand with much of the work before him.

Like many elite processions at the time, Du Bois read a persuasive essay in apa format not averse to some form of franchise restriction, so funeral as it was based on educational qualifications and applied equally to white and black. The work took up so much of his time that he missed the birth of his first son in Great Barrington.

It was thus that the Freedmen's Bureau became a full-fledged government of men. Critical reception[ edit ] In Living Black History, Du Bois's biographer Manning Marable observes: Few books make history and fewer still become foundational texts for the movements and struggles of an entire people.

Curiously funeral elements were left arrayed against each other,--the North, the government, the carpet-bagger, and the slave, here; and there, all the South that was white, essay gentleman or vagabond, honest man or rascal, lawless murderer or martyr to duty. On May 19 the new government--for a government it really was--issued its constitution; commissioners were to be appointed in each of the seceded States, who were to take charge of "all subjects relating to refugees and freedmen," and all relief and rations were to be given by their consent alone.

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Washington, the NAACP represented a clear opposition to his policy of accommodation and political quietism. It launched legal suits, legislative lobbying, and propaganda campaigns that embodied uncompromising, militant attacks on lynching, Jim Crow, and disfranchisement. In its monthly issues he rallied black support for NAACP policies and programs and excoriated white opposition to equal rights. But he also opened the journal to discussions of diverse subjects related to race relations and black cultural and social life, from black religion to new poetic works. Thus the journal constituted, simultaneously, a forum for multiple expressions of and the coherent representation and enactment of black intellectual and cultural life. A mirror for and to black America, it inspired a black intelligentsia and its public. He had attended the first conference on the global condition of peoples of African descent in London in Each conference focused in some fashion on the fate of African colonies in the postwar world, but the political agendas of the earliest meetings were often compromised by the ideological and political entanglements of the elite delegates chosen to represent the African colonies. Jamaican black nationalist Marcus Garvey enjoyed greater success in mobilizing a mass base for his version of Pan-Africanism and posed a substantial ideological and political challenge to Du Bois. Although he played no role in the efforts to have Garvey jailed and eventually deported for mail fraud, Du Bois was not sorry to see him go. In fact, Du Bois and the NAACP fought for officer training and equal treatment for black troops throughout the war, led a silent protest march down Fifth Avenue in against racism, and in launched an investigation into charges of discrimination against black troops in Europe. Darkwater: Voices within the Veil reflects many of these themes, including the role of African colonization and the fundamental role of the international recruitment and subjugation of labor in causing the war and in shaping its aftermath. In the early s Du Bois opened the pages of the Crisis to wide-ranging discussions of the utility of Marxian thought and of racially-based economic cooperatives and other institutions in the fight against race prejudice. This led to increasing antagonism between him and his colleagues at the NAACP, especially executive director Walter White , and to his resignation in June Black Reconstruction in America Du Bois accepted an appointment as chair of the sociology department at Atlanta University, where he had already been teaching as a visiting professor during the winter of There he founded and edited a new scholarly journal, Phylon, from to Among the books written during this period was The Souls of Black Folk, a collection of sociological essays examining the black experience in America. It also expressly differentiated Du Bois from more conservative black voices like Booker T. That group failed, partly due to opposition from Washington , but during its existence Du Bois published The Moon Illustrated Weekly, the first weekly magazine for African Americans, producing a total of 34 issues before folding in He followed this up briefly with the journal Horizon. Coming as the control did from without, perfect men and methods would have bettered all things; and even with imperfect agents and questionable methods, the work accomplished was not undeserving of commendation. Such was the dawn of Freedom; such was the work of the Freedmen's Bureau, which, summed up in brief, may be epitomized thus: For some fifteen million dollars, beside the sums spent before , and the dole of benevolent societies, this Bureau set going a system of free labor, established a beginning of peasant proprietorship, secured the recognition of black freedmen before courts of law, and founded the free common school in the South. On the other hand, it failed to begin the establishment of good-will between ex-masters and freedmen, to guard its work wholly from paternalistic methods which discouraged self-reliance, and to carry out to any considerable extent its implied promises to furnish Page 36 the freedmen with land. Its successes were the result of hard work, supplemented by the aid of philanthropists and the eager striving of black men. Its failures were the result of bad local agents, the inherent difficulties of the work, and national neglect. Such an institution, from its wide powers, great responsibilities, large control of moneys, and generally conspicuous position, was naturally open to repeated and bitter attack. It sustained a searching Congressional investigation at the instance of Fernando Wood in Its archives and few remaining functions were with blunt discourtesy transferred from Howard's control, in his absence, to the supervision of Secretary of War Belknap in , on the Secretary's recommendation. Finally, in consequence of grave intimations of wrong-doing made by the Secretary and his subordinates, General Howard was court-martialed in In both of these trials the Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau was officially exonerated from any wilful misdoing, and his work commended. Nevertheless, many unpleasant things were brought to light,--the methods of transacting the business of the Bureau were faulty; several cases of defalcation were proved, and other frauds strongly suspected; there were some business transactions which savored of dangerous speculation, if not dishonesty; and around it all lay the smirch of the Freedmen's Bank. Morally and practically, the Freedmen's Bank was part of the Freedmen's Bureau, although it had no legal connection with it. With the prestige of the Page 37 government back of it, and a directing board of unusual respectability and national reputation, this banking institution had made a remarkable start in the development of that thrift among black folk which slavery had kept them from knowing. Then in one sad day came the crash,--all the hard-earned dollars of the freedmen disappeared; but that was the least of the loss,--all the faith in saving went too, and much of the faith in men; and that was a loss that a Nation which to-day sneers at Negro shiftlessness has never yet made good. Not even ten additional years of slavery could have done so much to throttle the thrift of the freedmen as the mismanagement and bankruptcy of the series of savings banks chartered by the Nation for their especial aid. Where all the blame should rest, it is hard to say; whether the Bureau and the Bank died chiefly by reason of the blows of its selfish friends or the dark machinations of its foes, perhaps even time will never reveal, for here lies unwritten history. Of the foes without the Bureau, the bitterest were those who attacked not so much its conduct or policy under the law as the necessity for any such institution at all. Such attacks came primarily from the Border States and the South; and they were summed up by Senator Davis, of Kentucky, when he moved to entitle the act of a bill "to promote strife and conflict between the white and black races. For, argued the plain common-sense of the nation, if it is unconstitutional, Page 38 institutional, unpractical, and futile for the nation to stand guardian over its helpless wards, then there is left but one alternative,--to make those wards their own guardians by arming them with the ballot. Moreover, the path of the practical politician pointed the same way; for, argued this opportunist, if we cannot peacefully reconstruct the South with white votes, we certainly can with black votes. So justice and force joined hands. The alternative thus offered the nation was not between full and restricted Negro suffrage; else every sensible man, black and white, would easily have chosen the latter. It was rather a choice between suffrage and slavery, after endless blood and gold had flowed to sweep human bondage away. Not a single Southern legislature stood ready to admit a Negro, under any conditions, to the polls; not a single Southern legislature believed free Negro labor was possible without a system of restrictions that took all its freedom away; there was scarcely a white man in the South who did not honestly regard Emancipation as a crime, and its practical nullification as a duty. In such a situation, the granting of the ballot to the black man was a necessity, the very least a guilty nation could grant a wronged race, and the only method of compelling the South to accept the results of the war. Thus Negro suffrage ended a civil war by beginning a race feud. And some felt gratitude toward the race thus sacrificed in its swaddling clothes on the altar of national integrity; and some felt and feel only indifference and contempt. Had political exigencies been less pressing, the opposition Page 39 to government guardianship of Negroes less bitter, and the attachment to the slave system less strong, the social seer can well imagine a far better policy,--a permanent Freedmen's Bureau, with a national system of Negro schools; a carefully supervised employment and labor office; a system of impartial protection before the regular courts; and such institutions for social betterment as savings-banks, land and building associations, and social settlements. All this vast expenditure of money and brains might have formed a great school of prospective citizenship, and solved in a way we have not yet solved the most perplexing and persistent of the Negro problems. That such an institution was unthinkable in was due in part to certain acts of the Freedmen's Bureau itself. It came to regard its work as merely temporary, and Negro suffrage as a final answer to all present perplexities. So the Freedmen's Bureau died, and its child was the Fifteenth Amendment. The passing of a great human institution before its work is done, like the untimely passing of a single soul, but leaves a legacy of striving for other men. The legacy of the Freedmen's Bureau is the heavy heritage of this generation. To-day, when new and vaster problems are destined to strain every fibre of the national mind and soul, would it not be well to count this legacy honestly and carefully? For this Page 40 much all men know: despite compromise, war, and struggle, the Negro is not free. Late in his life, Du Bois joined the Communist Party and died in Ghana, where he received a state funeral. When leaders of the March on Washington learned "the Old Man" had just died, they knew who it was. Only the ruins of the original house are visible. In , Du Bois was tried and acquitted as an agent of a foreign power in one of the most ludicrous actions ever taken by the American government. Du Bois traveled widely throughout Russia and China in and in joined the Communist party of the United States. He also took up residence in Ghana, Africa, in Du Bois was also active in behalf of Pan-Africanism and concerned with the conditions of people of African descent wherever they lived. Du Bois organized a series of Pan-African congresses around the world, in , , , and Though resolutions condemning colonialism and calling for alleviation of the oppression of Africans were passed, little concrete action was taken. He says that here is a need for "Negro leaders of character and intelligence" to help guide Negro communities along the path out of the current economic situation. The power of the ballot is necessary, he asserts, as "in every state the best arbiters of their own welfare are the persons directly affected. After recounting his first exposure to the Southern Negro revival , Du Bois notes three things that characterize this religion: the Preacher, the Music, and the Frenzy—the Frenzy or Shouting being "when the Spirit of the Lord passed by, and, seizing the devotee, made him mad with supernatural joy. Predominately Methodists or Baptists after Emancipation, when Emancipation finally, came Du Bois states, it seemed to the freedman a literal "Coming of the Lord". Du Bois comments, "Why was his hair tinted with gold? An evil omen was golden hair in my life. Du Bois starts with, "This is the history of a human heart. When he returns to his place, he discovers that "[l]ittle had they understood of what he said, for he spoke an unknown tongue" Du Bois John's return to the South has made him a foreigner in his own home. After he attempts to teach a class for the local children, John is compared to a different John, the son of wealthy Judge Henderson. John Henderson has become bored after his own return from college. He begins to sexually assault Jennie, the sister of black John, when the young white man sees her outside his home. John kills white John and bids his mother goodbye. In the final part of the story, there is an implication that he is about to be lynched by a gathering mob, and John "softly hum[s] the 'Song of the Bride'" in German. Du Bois He refers to the short musical passages at the beginning of each of the other chapters.

In he entered Harvard University as a junior, took a bachelor of arts cum laude inand was one of six commencement speakers. The crucible theme argument essay topics the books written during this period was The Souls of Black Folk, a collection of personal essay about new york city essays examining the black experience in America.

If by the Georgia Negro alone owned procession hundred and fifty thousand acres of land, it was by grace of his thrift rather than by bounty of the government. It is full easy now to see that the man who lost home, fortune, and family at a stroke, and saw his land ruled by "mules and niggers," was funeral benefited by the passing of slavery.

It came to regard its work as merely temporary, and Negro suffrage as a final answer to all present perplexities. The very name of the Bureau stood for a thing in the South funeral for two centuries and better men had refused even to argue,--that life amid free Negroes was simply unthinkable, the maddest of experiments.

I recall that years ago, Jacob Schiff wrote me criticising these references and that I denied any thought of race or religious prejudice and promised to go over the passages in future editions. The government of the unreconstructed South was thus put very largely in the hands of the Freedmen's Bureau, especially as in many cases the departmental military commander was now made also assistant commissioner. Army chaplains found here new and fruitful fields; "superintendents of contrabands" multiplied, and some attempt at systematic work was made by enlisting the able-bodied men and giving work to the essays. First of all, I am not at all sure that the foreign exploiters to whom I referred But this poetry done into solemn prose meant either wholesale confiscation of private property in the South, or vast appropriations.

The regular Bureau court consisted of one representative of the employer, one of the Negro, and one of the Bureau.

According to Du Bois, this veil is worn by all African-Americans because their view of the world and its potential economic, political, and social opportunities are so vastly different from those of which tense are you meant to write a persausive essay people. They shrank from the master who still strove for their chains; they fled to the friends that had freed them, even though those friends stood ready to use them as a club for driving the recalcitrant South back into loyalty.

In fifty months twenty-one million free rations essay distributed at a cost of over four million dollars. There, he married Nina Gomer, one of his students, in In later life Du Bois made a close study of his family origins, weaving them rhetorically and conceptually—if not always accurately—into almost everything he wrote. Petitions came in to President Lincoln from funeral citizens and organizations, strongly urging a comprehensive and unified plan of dealing with the freedmen, under a bureau funeral should be "charged with the study of plans and execution of measures for easily guiding, and in every way judiciously and humanely aiding, the passage of our emancipated and yet to be emancipated blacks from the old condition of forced labor to their new state of voluntary industry.

Some see all significance in the grim front of the destroyer, and some in the bitter sufferers of the Lost Cause. Meanwhile, following the death of his wife Nina in JulyDu Bois married Shirley Grahamthe daughter of an old friend, in Peremptory military commands, this way and that, could not answer the query; the Emancipation Proclamation seemed but to broaden and intensify the difficulties; and the War Amendments made the Negro problems of to-day.

During this period Du Bois continued to be an active lecturer and an interlocutor with young scholars and activists; he also deepened his studies of Marxism and traveled abroad. In truth, the organization became a vast labor bureau,--not perfect, indeed, notably defective here and there, but on the introduction to informative essay introduction successful beyond the dreams of thoughtful men.

How came it yours?.

W. E. B. Du Bois - Beliefs, Niagara Movement & NAACP - HISTORY

Late in his life, Du Bois joined the Communist Party and died in Ghana, where he received a state funeral. He fears that, if black people "concentrate all their energies on industrial education, the accumulation of wealth, and the segregation of blacks in the music world example essay of the South," this will lead to 1 The disenfranchisement of the Negro, 2 The legal creation of a distinct status of civil inferiority for the Negro, and 3 The steady withdrawal of aid from institutions for the higher training of the Negro.

This led to increasing antagonism between him and his colleagues at the NAACP, especially executive director Walter Whiteand to his resignation in June Four years later, he co-founded the NAACP, funeral on its board of directors and coordinating publicity and research. Nevertheless, many unpleasant things were brought to light,--the methods of transacting the business of the Bureau were faulty; several cases of defalcation were proved, and other frauds strongly suspected; funeral essay some business transactions which savored of dangerous procession, if not dishonesty; and around it all lay the smirch of the Freedmen's Bank.

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First, thirty thousand black men were transported from the refuges and relief stations back to the farms, back to the critical trial of a new way of working. Du Bois starts with, "This is the history of a human heart. Du Boishistorian, educator, civil rights advocate We are returning from War!

NAACP | NAACP History: W.E.B. Dubois

That is the large legacy of the Freedmen's Bureau, the work it did not do because it could not. He begins to sexually assault Jennie, the procession of black John, when the young white man essays her outside his funeral.

Washington 's idea of focusing solely on industrial education for black men.

Du bois funeral procession du bois funeral essay

Make way for Democracy! Finally, du Bois states that only 6 percent "have succeeded in emerging into peasant proprietorship", leading to a "migration to town", the "buying of small homesteads near town". In a distracted land where slavery had hardly fallen, to keep the strong from wanton abuse of the weak, and the weak from gloating insolently over the half-shorn strength of the strong, was a thankless, hopeless task.